The implications of direct nutrition interventions on women's nutrition, birth outcome and stunting rates in children in South Asia are indisputable and well documented. In the last decade, a number of studies present evidence of the role of non-nutritional factors impacting on women's nutrition, birth outcome, caring practices and nutritional status of children. The implications of various dimensions of women's empowerment and gender inequality on child stunting is being increasingly recognised. Evidence reveals the crucial role of early age of marriage and conception, poor secondary education, domestic violence, inadequate decision-making power, poor control over resources, strenuous agriculture activities, and increasing employment of women and of interventions such as cash transfer scheme and microfinance programme on undernutrition in children. Analysis of the nutrition situation of women and children in South Asia and programme findings emphasise the significance of reaching women during adolescence, pre-conception and pregnancy stage. Ensuring women enter pregnancy with adequate height and weight and free from being anemic is crucial. Combining nutrition-specific interventions with measures for empowerment of women is essential. Improvement in dietary intake and health services of women, prevention of early age marriage and conception, completion of secondary education, enhancement in purchasing power of women, reduction of work drudgery and elimination of domestic violence deserve special attention. A range of programme platforms dealing with health, education and empowerment of women could be strategically used for effectively reaching women prior to and during pregnancy to accelerate reduction in stunting rates in children in South Asia.
Women who seek out a women's only club are usually looking for something different. They want the privacy of an all-women environment. They also want the attention they get from women who understand the unique fitness needs of other women and are especially patient and understanding with those who haven't had much experience with fitness in their lives.

Adult women, and particularly women with children, were the primary targets for empowerment interventions. Empowerment interventions were predominantly delivered through community-based programs, including home visits, community groups, and community centers (5, 161, 163). There was some evidence that empowerment interventions that included delivery platforms such as radio and television, as a complement to the community- and home-based delivery platforms (5), could have some impact on reaching a wider audience. Adolescent girls were largely not the target of empowerment interventions, except for those relating to reproductive health (158), and could potentially benefit from them.

The delivery platforms of birth spacing and family planning interventions were often associated with health clinics and community health posts (148–150). Many interventions targeted lactating women during the follow-up with their young children (148, 151–153). Home visits by community health workers and service provision at community health posts and mobile clinics were also used to target women and adolescents who were married, and were found to be effective at increasing use of contraception (150, 154). School-based programs were also effective at reaching adolescent girls and increased their knowledge about contraceptives and sexually transmitted infections, use of contraception, and treatment of sexually transmitted infections (155). In high-income settings, school-based interventions were most effective at reducing pregnancies and repeated pregnancies among adolescents when contraception was also available on-site (107). This might have implications for their effectiveness in low- and middle-income countries, as well. In addition, formative work of 2 ongoing studies suggested that mass media, mobile devices, texting, and community mobilization could also be used as platforms to reach adolescent girls and women of reproductive age (156, 157). Community-based programs that target men, families, and communities, beyond those that reach married and postpartum women alone, have potential to change cultural norms and enhance women's health outcomes; however, these are not well captured in the literature.
All of the identified studies focused on LNSs for pregnant and lactating women through antenatal care–based and –affiliated delivery platforms (97–101). These studies relied on antenatal care to recruit mothers but delivered the intervention through home visits. There was no evidence evaluating use of LNSs for women who were not pregnant or lactating. The majority of studies evaluating LNS interventions involved children with severe or moderate acute malnutrition. Although LNS supplementation could be an intervention to provide essential nutrients to women and girls, it is expensive. Filling energy gaps using local foods or other commodities can often be done at a lower cost (97). LNS supplementation should be limited to contexts in which cheaper, more sustainable solutions are not available.

Women's health refers to the health of women, which differs from that of men in many unique ways. Women's health is an example of population health, where health is defined by the World Health Organization as "a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity". Often treated as simply women's reproductive health, many groups argue for a broader definition pertaining to the overall health of women, better expressed as "The health of women". These differences are further exacerbated in developing countries where women, whose health includes both their risks and experiences, are further disadvantaged.